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Seminar paper from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Africa, grade: 1,7, University of Hamburg (Politikwissenschaft), course: Krieg, Friedensbildung und Staatlichkeit in Afrika, language: English, abstract: [...] To contextualize the situation after the power-sharing agreement one needs to bear in mind the Zimbabwean political genesis of the past decades. Until the end of the 1990s Zimbabwe was considered as the breadbasket of southern Africa (Tarisayi 2009: 11). Zimbabwe was one of Africa's role models in terms of educational system, a free press, independent judiciary and consolidated economy by then long time governed by Robert Mugabe. The Zimbabwean dilemma started when the military intervened in a costly conflict in the DR Congo in 1998 and started to ruin its own economy. Two years later Mugabe encouraged occupations of white commercial farms. By intentionally weakening one of the most vibrant economic sectors Zimbabwe soon faced high inflation rates, food shortages and growing unemployment. By 2008, the year of elections Zimbabwe according to IMF formed the fastest shrinking economy in the world with four million people in desperate need of food (Tarisayi 2009: 11- 13). After the formation of a power-sharing arrangement in 2008 the crucial question was if such a construction would work for Zimbabwe. In addition to the enormous challenges within the country there are many reservations concerning power-sharing arrangements in general as the concept already failed in many African countries before (Roeder and Rothchild 2005: 41). There were many actors involved such as SADC, AU and South Africa who were playing a vital role in negotiating the Global Political Agreement (GPA) which makes it necessary to have a closer look on their role in this process (EISA 2008: 78). In my paper I start with a chapter on theory: Power-sharing democracy by Arend Lijphart and his critics. Then I will continue with a chapter regarding the 2

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